What is karma: does believing in it reduce the desire for revenge?

Believing in karma — the idea that some form of supernatural justice rewards or punishes our actions — could be correlated across cultures with resistance to wanting revenge, according to new research.

Karma is a concept based on the idea that our actions, good or bad, have inevitable consequences. But what is karma and how does it work? Does karma really influence our daily lives?

Belief in karma as a concept is common, albeit at varying levels of significance. Some people may dismiss minor misdemeanors confident in the knowledge that karma will win out. Others may be more magnanimous and forgive major wrongdoings in the belief that karmic justice will deliver retribution.  

But what shapes these beliefs? Who is more likely to believe karmic consequences are fixed and inevitable, and what impact does this have on justice-seeking behaviors? Research by Esade’s Namrata Goyal and Joan G. Miller from the New School for Social Research in New York, published in the European Journal of Social Psychology, has shed light on this under-explored phenomenon. 

After conducting experiments to assess cultural differences in perceptions of karma and explore the role of reincarnation beliefs, the researchers identified an important psychological outcome associated with a belief in karmic justice: a resistance to revenge. This finding invites us to reflect on future thinking and how our beliefs can influence present decisions and the way we manage personal justice.

Karma, do you get what you give? 

Karma is the general belief that good actions are rewarded and bad actions are punished by some form of cosmic or supernatural justice. Not that karma is a particularly religious phenomenon, but in many ways it overlaps with the belief in divine punishment.

To better understand what karma is and how it works, it is useful to look at its roots and its impact in different cultures.

The meaning of karma varies according to religion and culture. While in Christianity and Judaism people believe that life has a beginning and an end, in Hinduism and Buddhism people believe in karmic justice as a cycle of cause and effect that extends through multiple lives. Therefore, a person's karma not only affects his or her present, but can determine his or her future.

Beliefs in Karma are not particularly religious, but there are many overlaps with the belief in divine retribution

But how does belief in reincarnation and the idea that it is not possible to escape punishment affect the way people behave in the here and now? To examine how beliefs about what karma is and how it works influence the desire for revenge, Goyal and Miller studied people in India (more likely to believe in reincarnation) and the United States (more likely to believe that life is limited) to assess the extent to which they believe in karmic justice and how this relates to desires for revenge.

Opportunities for revenge 

A total of 1,141 Indian and American participants underwent four tests. In the first study, participants completed an online questionnaire after reading two scenarios designed to assess their intentions of revenge. In each scenario, the protagonist experienced a hostile action from another person and the participant was presented with an opportunity for revenge. 

Their likelihood of taking advantage of this opportunity was assessed on a scale of one (not at all likely) to seven (extremely likely). They were then asked three questions to indicate whether they believed someone ‘would not’, ‘might’, or ‘would definitely’ experience consequences ‘never’, ‘now’ or ‘in the future’ after wrongdoing.  

As predicted by the researchers, a belief in inevitable karmic justice was negatively associated with revenge intentions. Indian participants held stronger beliefs in inevitable justice than Americans and were also more likely to report lower intentions of revenge.  

Lottery of consequences

In the second study, participants were asked to play a game that had been pre-programmed to ensure they should each receive a share of money from a dummy player. Instead, however, the dummy player gave them nothing. 

Indian participants were less likely to seek revenge than American participants

On the second round of the game, the participants had to decide how much of their own money to give the dummy player. They were told that the amount they gave would influence their chances of winning more money in lottery prizes.  

Some participants were told that giving money to the other player would definitely increase their chances of winning the lottery. Others were told the outcome of the lottery was not certain, and that giving the other player money may or may not increase their chances of winning. 

Indians and Americans who believed the outcome was certain were less likely to engage in revenge behaviors. When the outcome was uncertain, however, Indian participants were much less likely to seek revenge than Americans. 

Inevitable consequences

The third study assessed whether perceiving consequences as inevitable rather than only probable led to a lower propensity for revenge. In an office-based simulation, participants were told that behavior toward colleagues would have an impact on their receipt of a bonus. One group of participants was told their behavior would definitely impact their bonus, while the second group was told their behavior may have an impact. 

The vengeful desire may vary depending on whether it is revenge by action or by omission

Participants were also given the option to punish a coworker who drank their coffee without permission by giving them spoiled milk. They were asked how likely they thought it would be that they would lose their bonus if they gave their colleague the spoiled milk, and how likely it would be that their colleague would lose their own bonus by drinking the coffee in the first place. 

Both Americans and Indians who believed that negative consequences would be inevitably restrained their vindictive behaviour. Such dynamics reflect the complexity of work relationships and how proper conflict management is critical to organisational success. Therefore, a leadership programme that fosters positive conflict resolution is essential to improve work climate and team performance.

In this third study, there was only a marginally significant effect of cultural differences, indicating that how this factor affects the desire for revenge may vary depending on whether it is revenge by action or by omission.

Punished in a future life

The final study assessed the relevance of reincarnation as a driver of cultural differences. Participants were asked to describe a time in their lives when they had been offended by another person, and what (if anything) they did in retaliation. Their belief in reincarnation was also measured. The results showed that Indians were more likely to believe in reincarnation and that those beliefs also predicted the likelihood (or lack of) of seeking revenge. 

The effects of karma on revenge can be extrapolated to other antisocial behaviors such as dishonesty or aggressiveness

Taken as a whole, the studies illustrate that Indians view karmic justice as more inevitable than Americans and that those who perceive this inevitability are less likely to seek revenge. Although the studies focused exclusively on revenge, its authors claim its effects can be generalized to other types of antisocial behavior, such as dishonesty or assault, and curb antisocial actions.  

However, there is a dark side: those who believe that karmic justice is inevitable can also live in fear of harm for behavior in a past life, resulting in victim-blaming or inappropriately passive behavior.  

Further research is needed to investigate both positive and negative consequences of beliefs in inevitable karmic justice and untangle the relationship between culture and revenge, the researchers conclude.